Obama has also apparently decided that he will also have
to wait until after the election for the flexibility to take presidential
action on the issue of LGBT equality in the workplace. Meeting with LGBT
advocates this month, senior White House aides, including outreach director
Valerie Jarrett, passed the word that Obama would not be issuing an executive
order this year to prohibit federal contractors from job discrimination on the
basis of sexual orientation or gender identity.
When news of the president’s non-initiative got around,
White House press secretary Jay Carney insisted that the president actually was
helping advance LGBT rights in the workplace by pursuing legislation rather
than issuing an executive order. “We believe that this is the right approach to
achieve success here in a broad and comprehensive legislative action,” Carney
said at the daily press briefing on April 17. Obama, he added, is “aggressively
pursuing” passage of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA) by Congress,
which would add sexual orientation and gender identity to federal job
discrimination law.
Reporters for Washington’s two gay newspapers —
Chris Geidner of Metro Weekly and Chris Johnson of the
Washington Blade — pressed Carney hard on the
issue. As Johnson noted, Congress is “highly unlikely” to approve ENDA this
year. Gay rights-averse Republicans control the House, and the election
shortens the legislative calendar anyway. Geidner
followed by noting that the executive order prohibiting federal contractors
from discriminating on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, or national
origin – executive order 11246 – has been in effect since 1965. President
Lyndon B. Johnson issued the order in September 1965, one year after the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 established the same prohibition on employers generally.
Geidner pointedly asked whether Obama considers the executive order “redundant”
to Title VII, the Civil Rights Act’s job discrimination provisions. Carney had
no answer.
In fact, executive
order 11246 is not redundant. The order gives the Department of
Labor’s Office of Contract Compliance authority to request information about
employment and hiring practices from federal contractors; Title VII is enforced
by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, generally only after complaints
from individuals. In addition, the threatened loss of federal contracts [see
section 209(a)(5)] is a stronger incentive for compliance than the risk of EEOC
sanction or adverse court ruling after protracted litigation.
The president’s authority to establish nondiscrimination
requirements for federal contractors appears well established. President
Franklin D. Roosevelt forbade racial discrimination by defense contractors in
1941. Dwight Eisenhower used an executive order in 1953 to create a government
contracts committee to promote compliance with equal employment goals. LBJ’s
action put teeth into the policy.
In contrast to the tenuous climate for racial equality in
the 1960s, the support today for protecting LGBT equality in the workplace is
relatively broad. Twenty states already have laws prohibiting discrimination by
public or private employers on the basis of sexual orientation; 15 of those
states include protection for gender identity as well. Most big companies now
include sexual orientation in their stated nondiscrimination policies. Public
opinion polls generally show support for measures to prohibit discrimination
against gays and lesbians. In fact, as shown in a poll
by the Human Rights Campaign released late last month, an overwhelming majority
of Americans believe discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is
already illegal.
With so much support for LGBT equality in the workplace,
the question naturally arises whether federal action — in the form of legislation or executive order
— is needed at all. Homosexuals
are no longer purged en masse from the federal workforce, as they were in the
late 1940s and ’50s, or from state employment rolls. But a comprehensive report
by the Williams Institute, UCLA’s think tank on sexual orientation and gender
identity law and policy, shows that gay and lesbian employees continue to
experience discrimination or harassment in their jobs.
In a survey in
2008, for example, one out of five LGBT public sector employees reported
workplace discrimination; among transgender employees, the incidence was 70
percent. In the same year, slightly more than one-third of LGBT employees said
they were closeted at work. Many undoubtedly worry that they could suffer
discrimination if they came out — and, in most of the states, they
could, without legal recourse.
Obama deserves credit from gay rights groups for advancing
their cause, at some political risk — most dramatically, in winning
legislative repeal of the “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy in the military. The
administration has taken other incremental steps without congressional action.
Immigration and Customs Enforcement, for example, recently moved to allow
same-sex couples to file immigration and customs documents together when
returning to the United States from abroad, just like other families.
Yet gay rights advocates understandably feel slighted by
the administration’s inaction on an executive order. Some expect the order will
come after the election, and perhaps it will. Until then, however, Obama’s
support for LGBT rights in the workplace, like his “evolving” view on marriage
equality, will be seen by many as a work in unnecessarily slow progress.
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