The federal
appeals court that struck down the key part of the federal Defense of Marriage
Act (DOMA) threaded a needle to find legal precedents for ruling that the law
improperly discriminates against gays and lesbians. The narrowness of the
decision may make it easier for the Supreme Court to come to the same
conclusion in an appeal likely to reach the justices in their next term.
The
decision by the First U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Massachusetts
v. U.S. Dep’t of Health and Human Services (May 31) struck down the
section of the 1996 law that denies to same-sex couples any federal benefits
normally provided to opposite-sex couples — for example, the ability to file
joint instead of separate federal income tax returns. Lawyers from the Boston-based
Gay and Lesbian Advocates and Defenders (GLAD) represented legally married
couples and widowers from Massachusetts in challenging the law as a violation
of equal protection principles.
The lawyers
had two main arguments, either of which could doom not just DOMA but also all
of the state bans on same-sex marriages. They argued, first, that sexual
orientation is a “suspect classification” that triggers the highest level of
constitutional review: “strict scrutiny.” DOMA fails that test, they argued,
because the law does not advance any “compelling” government interest nor is
“narrowly tailored” to serve any such interest.
At the other end of the
constitutional spectrum, the lawyers argued that DOMA cannot survive even the
minimal “rational basis” standard of constitutional review. The law does not
advance any legitimate governmental interest whatsoever, the lawyers contended.
The
three-judge panel — consisting of two Republican and one Democratic appointee —
rejected both of those positions. Writing for the panel, Judge Michael Boudin
explained that the First Circuit had refused three years ago to recognize
sexual orientation as a suspect classification and that the panel was bound by
that precedent. Boudin added that creating a new suspect classification would have
“far-reaching implications” by casting doubt on marriage laws “in a huge majority
of individual states.”
Applying
the standard rational-basis test, the panel found that DOMA passes
constitutional muster, if barely. The 1996 Congress claimed that DOMA would
save the federal government money – by limiting benefits or tax preferences to
opposite-sex couples only. Boudin said Congress was entitled to deference on
that issue even though experts today say that recognizing same-sex marriages
could actually save money for the federal government.
Seemingly
out of nowhere, however, Boudin found a different level of constitutional
review to apply to DOMA—a standard that it fails, badly. Boudin said that
the Supreme Court, in several cases, had engaged in “a closer than usual
review” of laws that affected a “historically disadvantaged or unpopular group”
and that had “thin, unsupported, or impermissible” justification.
In one of
those cases, U.S. Dep’t of Agriculture v. Moreno (1973), the
court struck down a law denying food stamps to households containing unrelated
individuals. The court said the law denied food stamps to many needy households
and appeared to be motivated solely by a “desire to harm a politically
unpopular group.”
A decade
later, the court in City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living
Center (1985) overturned a local ordinance denying a special permit
for a group home for the mentally disabled. As in Moreno,
the court said the justification for the ordinance seemed thin and the
motivation appeared to be “negative attitudes” toward an unpopular group.
Even
without creating a new suspect classification, Boudin acknowledged that gays
and lesbians “have long been the subject of discrimination.” The Supreme Court’s
somewhat overlooked precedents dictate a “more careful assessment” than usual
of laws that disadvantage them, as DOMA does.
Boudin then went through and
rejected each of four possible justifications for DOMA offered by former
solicitor general Paul Clement on behalf of the House Republican leadership
seeking to uphold DOMA. (At President Obama’s direction, the Justice Department
is not defending the law.) Saving the
federal government money would be an impermissible justification even if true,
Boudin said.
As to the other three rationales,
Boudin found no evidence that the law promotes child-rearing in “stable”
marriages since it extends no benefits to opposite-sex couples and cannot
prevent same-sex couples from bearing or adopting children. Moral disapproval
of homosexuality is now recognized as an impermissible justification, Boudin
continued. And the final supposed rationale — to “freeze” the marriage issue for
further debate — makes no sense, Boudin said, because the law has no expiration
date.
In a final point, Boudin noted that
marriage has traditionally been a state prerogative. Acknowledging
Massachusetts’ role as plaintiff in one of the consolidated cases, Boudin said
the state can insist that a federal law interfering with its marriage policies
have some particular federal interest—and DOMA has none.
The appeals court stayed its ruling
pending the inevitable appeal to the Supreme Court, which seems likely to get
the case in time for a decision by June 2013. The high court has been slow to
take on cases touching on gay marriage. The DOMA case gives the justices a
chance to take on this issue with a small bite. And the First Circuit’s ruling
charts a path that steers clear of creating new precedents. Gay rights
advocates may not get exactly what they want out of this case. But they may
just get what they need.
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