Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer might or might not be contemplating his eventual retirement these days, but he delivered a lecture at Harvard Law School last week [April 6] that could well serve as his farewell address after twenty-seven years on the Supreme Court. Breyer used the two-hour lecture, the video available via YouTube, to warm against “the perils of politics” that threaten the Court’s authority and public confidence in the Court.
At age 82, Breyer is now the oldest
of the nine current justices and the tenth oldest justice in history. He has no
known health issues that interfere with his work or that might force him to
step down in the near future. His questions to lawyers during the current term’s
oral arguments have been unaffected by advancing age. He also demonstrated his mastery
of legal craftsmanship by leading the Court’s 6-2 majority last week [April 5] in
a factually complex decision that cleared Google of copyright infringement for
copying parts of the Java platform when it set up the Android platform for
smartphones beginning in 2005.
Breyer, it must be remembered, was confirmed
by an 87-9 Senate vote in 1994 based on his reputation for bipartisanship as a
Senate committee staffer and as a judicial moderate on the federal appeals
court in Boston. He has been a moderate liberal on the Supreme Court, siding
with conservatives for example in some Fourth Amendment decisions favoring law
enforcement over suspects or defendants.
The
speculation that Breyer might or perhaps should retire soon has increased with
the election of an ideologically compatible president in the White House and
Democrats in control of the Senate. Breyer made no reference to possible retirement
in the Harvard lecture and has had no public comment since a liberal law
professor called for his early retirement last month [March 15] in an op-ed in The
New York Times.
The University of Colorado’s Paul
Campos warned in the article that Democrats could lose control of the Senate if
any one of the fifty Democratic senator were to die or retire and be succeeded
by a Republican appointee. Under present circumstances, Campos wrote, “it would
be a travesty if the Supreme Court seat occupied by Justice Breyer was not
filled by a replacement chosen by Democrats.”
Breyer’s longtime colleague, Ruth
Bader Ginsburg, responded to questions about her own tenure over the years by
vowing to stay on the job as long as she was able to do the work. Her death
last fall gave President Trump the chance to create a lopsided conservative
majority on the Court, with the liberal bloc reduced from four to three
justices. Breyer has been mum about possible retirement even to the point of avoiding
any assurance that he is still up to the job and plans to stay as long as he
is.
In his
lecture, Breyer noted that despite the political attacks of the past half-century
the Court continues to do well in public opinion polls that show it has higher
approval ratings than Congress. Public confidence in the Court, Breyer
explained, was neither automatic nor foreordained. He relates the history of
political conflicts with presidents—for example, between Jefferson and the Marshall
Court, Jackson and the late Marshall Court, and FDR and the conservative Court
Roosevelt inherited from Republican ascendancy in the 1920s.
Recalling
this history, Breyer appears to be pleading with whatever audience the lecture
may gain to set aside their view of justices as politicians in robes. Judges,
he acknowledges, take the bench with political views and legal philosophies
well formed and shaped by their personal backgrounds. “I cannot jump out of my
own skin,” he explains. “No one can.”
Breyer’s
pleading, unfortunately, will fall on deaf ears on the political right. Five
Republican presidents – Nixon, Reagan, Bush 41, Bush43, and Trump – have pushed
the ideological envelope in appointments to the Court and conditioned political
partisans to view Democratic-appointed justices as activists even as
conservative justices have crafted new
constitutional doctrines or overruled precedents to throw out laws enacted by
Congress.
True to his
warnings against politics, Breyer cautioned against one of the Supreme Court
reform proposals that has gained favor among some Democrats and many liberal
Court watchers. Expanding the Court to ten justices, he warned, would feed the
public perception that decisions are driven not by law, but by politics. Breyer’s
opposition may well be moot., however As candidate and as president, Biden has not
endorsed expanding the Court’s membership and any such proposal would be all
but impossible to win filibuster-proof support in the 50-50 Senate.
As for
other Supreme Court reform proposals, the Washington Post editorial board weighted in this weekend [April 11] by arguing that term limits for
justices would be more important than Court packing and more politically palatable
as well. Those proposals too face an uphill road in the face of constitutional
doubts and intricate questions about how to apply term limits to sitting
justices.
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