The New York gun rights advocates who are asking the Supreme Court to establish a presumptive constitutional right to carry firearms in public outside the home lack broad support for their claim among the dozens of friend-of-the-court briefs filed by groups on both sides of the issue.
The Republican-packed
Court will hear oral arguments in the case, New York State Rifle &
Pistol Association v. Bruen, on Wednesday, Nov. 3. The Biden administration
will share time with the state’s lawyer to defend the state law that requires
applicants for a gun permit to show “proper cause” for needing to be armed in
public.
Most of the
forty-seven amicus briefs supporting the New York gun group in the case were
filed by elements of the gun lobby itself: gun owner groups in other states,
libertarian advocacy groups aligned with the gun lobby, or law professors with careers
built on Second Amendment scholarship.
The groups
that filed thirty-seven amicus briefs on New York’s side represent much broader
segments of American society, including the professional associations
representing the nation’s doctors and the nation’s lawyers. In its brief, the
American Medical Association (AMA) argues that “unrestricted concealed carry
permits” would “open the floodgates to more injury and death” from what the
doctors call “the epidemic of firearm violence.”
Other
groups supporting New York’s position include such long established civil
liberties and civil rights organizations as the American Civil Liberties Union
(ACLU), the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF), and the League of
Women Voters. Like the AMA, these groups warn that making it easier for people
to go armed on the streets would add to the risks of gun violence – including intimidation
and harassment against, among others, free-speech demonstrators, minority groups, and would-be voters waiting
in line at polling places.
In its brief, the ACLU argues that
broad bans on public carry, enacted and enforced when the Second Amendment was
ratified, were historically important in “promoting safety and reducing the
chances that the disagreements inevitable in a robust democracy do not lead to
lethal violence.”
The ACLU also notes that the two
states that recently experienced armed insurrections at their state capitals,
Michigan and Oregon, both have lax open carry laws. The brief also argues that
the District of Columbia’s relatively strict public carry law helped limit potential
violence during the January 6 insurrection by encouraging insurrectionists to
leave weapons at home or in their cars.
The ACLU’s brief continues by
listing half a dozen instances when gun-carrying individuals with permits
threatened or fired their weapons at innocent bystanders—among others, “Black
Lives Matter” protesters. The other victims included, for example, a Walmart customer
who asked a gun-toting fellow customer to put on a mask and a black family threatened
by a gun-carrying white driver in a parking-lot dispute.
In its brief, the League of Women
Voters notes that threats and force “have long been used to intimidate voters.”
The League warns further that “handgun proliferation reasonably creates fear
that voting-related conflict and unrest will turn violent.”
Red states
and blue states lined up, as often happens, in amicus briefs filed according to
their political orientations on opposite sides of the case. Most of the twenty-six
states that support the New York gun group already have enacted so-called
“shall issue” laws in response to lobbying from the National Rifle Association
(NRA); the red states argue that “objective permit regimes” reduce some types
of violent crimes and have no statistically significant effect on violent crime
overall. In an opposing brief, seven former big-city police chiefs, including
New York City’s former police commissioner William Bratton, contend to the
contrary that New York’s licensing regime “makes the state’s citizens safer
without infringing on protected constitutional rights.”
Eighteen
blue states and the District of Columbia joined in an amicus brief filed by
California in support of the New York law. Besides California, the list
includes three other states – Illinois, Michigan, and Pennsylvania -- among the
ten most populous in the country. The red states’ brief includes two of the
mega-states, Texas and Florida, along with four of the states among the
country’s least populous: Alaska, the Dakotas, and Wyoming.
The government’s brief notes that
Congress has enacted an array of federal laws limiting, for example, the
carrying of firearms aboard airplanes, in school zones, and in government
buildings. Those laws, the government argues, comport with the Second Amendment
and so also do local and state laws regulating open or concealed carry. In
effect, the government warns, a ruling against the New York law would risk
upending public-safety laws enacted at all levels of government in the interest
of a radical revision of constitutional law urged by a narrow slice of the
American public and the legal profession.
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