Supreme Court justices met in conference on Friday (Nov. 5) and issued late in the day a routine orders list granting review in three more cases for the current term. They adjourned, however, without acting on more urgent business: what to do to restore the Court’s own authority over the state of Texas’s attempt to nullify the Court’s abortion rights precedents in the country’s second most populous state.
The
justices had divided 5-4 two months earlier in a shadow docket decision [Sept.
1] that allowed Texas’s ban on abortions after the sixth week of pregnancy to
go into effect despite opinions from four of the justices pronouncing the law
unconstitutional. In the meantime, women in Texas seeking abortions had to
cross state lines into Oklahoma or Louisiana to vindicate the constitutional
rights guaranteed to them under Supreme Court precedents.
The
justices expanded their review of the Texas law by agreeing to hear arguments
in separate suits challenging the law: one brought by abortion providers, Whole
Woman’s Health v. Jackson, and the other brought by the United States under
the name United States v. Texas.
Both suits
had to contend with Texas’s unprecedented stratagem to avoid federal court
review of the law. Texas’s never-before-tried ploy turned on denying the state
any role in enforcing the ban on pre-viability abortions and turning
enforcement over to private citizens through punitive civil suits against
anyone aiding in an abortion illegal under the new law.
The Court heard arguments in the two cases on
Monday [Nov. 1]. The justices’ questions in the first of the cases indicated
likely approval of the providers’ legal effort to nullify the law, formally
titled the Heartbeat Act and commonly referred to by its bill number S.B. 8.
The Justice Department filed its own suit in the United States’ name after the
Fifth Circuit stayed the injunction that the abortion providers had won in
their suit at the district court level.
The United States also won an
injunction in its suit—specifically, enjoining court clerks from docketing
private suits filed under S.B. 8 and enjoining private citizens who actually
attempt to file such suits. The Fifth Circuit stayed that injunction as well,
thus leaving the law in effect despite two lower court rulings finding it
unconstitutional.
Representing the United States in
the second argument on Monday, the newly confirmed solicitor general Elizabeth
Prelogar boldly and unapologetically defended the procedurally unprecedented
suit against the Texas law. The law, Prelogar declared, was a “brazen attack”
on the Court itself and on Congress. “It's an attack on the authority of this
Court to say what the law is and to have that judgment respected across the 50
states,” Prelogar explained. “And it's
an attack on Congress's determination that there should be access to
pre-enforcement review in federal court to vindicate federal rights. The United
States may sue to protect the supremacy of federal law against this attack.”
To justify the suit, Prelogar had
to get around a century-old Supreme Court precedent known as Ex parte Young (1908)
that protects states from being sued directly to overturn unconstitutional laws
and instead requires such suits to name as defendant the state officials
charged with enforcing the allegedly unconstitutional law.
One passage in that decision posed
a particular obstacle to the remedy that the government sought in its suit.
“[T]he federal court may enjoin an individual or a state officer from
enforcing a state statute on account of its unconstitutionality,” the Court
declared, “but it may not restrain the state court from acting in any case
brought before it . . . .” An injunction to that effect, the Court added,
“would violate the whole scheme of this Government.”
Prelogar drew challenging questions
quickly from the trio of hard-line conservatives – Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch –
who all found various reasons for doubting the procedural posture of the United
States’ suit. Thomas repeatedly demanded that Prelogar cite some precedent for
the United States’ suit. Prelogar acknowledged she had no precedent to cite
because there was no precedent for the scheme that Texas devised to prevent
judicial review. “[B]ecause a state has never before crafted an
enforcement scheme like this, there has not been the kind of situation that
would prompt the United States to intervene in this manner,” she added.
In later reply to a supportive
question from one of the Court’s liberal justices, Kagan, Prelogar defended the
injunction that the district court had entered in the United States’ suit. “[T]he
district court recognized that in these very unusual circumstances it was also
appropriate to bind the clerks and the judges, who are being used as part of
the machinery of this apparatus to impose the substantial chilling effect
through the S.B. 8 enforcement actions,” she replied.
With her rebuttal, Prelogar closed
by pleading the urgency of the case. She asked the Court to “affirm the
preliminary injunction entered by the district court and immediately
[emphasis added] vacate the stay that the Fifth Circuit entered in this case so
that Texas cannot continue to deny women in its borders a right protected by
this Court’s precedents one day longer.” Any immediate action seemed unlikely,
however, after the Court decided to hear the two cases under normal procedures.
So now, women in Texas must wait in legal limbo as the justices draft opinions
and come to some decisions, probably weeks from now.
No comments:
Post a Comment