The Supreme Court has instituted an escalating series of restrictions and changes in operations since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States early in 2020 in order to protect the justices’ workplace from the pandemic Those changes, all but unprecedented, include barring the general public from courtroom sessions and conducting oral arguments remotely by telephone instead of in person in the courtroom.
In fact,
the Supreme Court building has been closed to the general public for two full terms
and still today (January 2022) “out of concern for the health and safety of the
public and Supreme Court employees,” according to the posted announcement on
the Court’s web site. In a divided decisiond ast week, however, the Court on
Jan. 13 held that the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration
(OSHA) does not enjoy the same discretion to promulgate an unprecedented
regulation to protect workplaces in the face of the deadly pandemic that has
claimed 800,000 lives and resulted in millions of hospitalizations that have
strained health systems all across the country.
The federal
workplace safety agency adopted the regulation – a so-called “emergency
temporary standard” or ETS – on November 5, 2021, late in the second year of
the pandemic, in response to a directive two months earlier from President Joe Biden
aimed at increasing vaccinations against the coronavirus. The agency acted on
the authority of a statutory provision that requires it to act if it finds “(A)
that employees are exposed to grave danger from exposure to substances
or agents determined to be toxic or physically harmful or from new hazards,
and (B) that such emergency standard is necessary to protect employees from
such danger [emphasis added].”
In staying
enforcement of the rule, the Supreme Court emphasized that OSHA, established in
the1970s, had never issued a comparable rule to deal with a widespread public health
issue. The lack of any precedent for such a rule is hardly surprising: the
federal government had no workplace safety role during the previous 20th
century epidemics: the yellow fever and Spanish flu epidemics early in the 20th
century and the polio epidemic in the 1950s. The country has experienced no
similar epidemic in OSHA’s history. In fact, the COVID-19 pandemic is uniquely
pervasive and uniquely dangerous in comparison to the previous outbreaks.
In issuing the rule, OSHA
elaborated point by point in a 79-page preamble published in the Federal
Register (86 Fed. Reg. 61402-61480). Given the grim statistics, OSHA readily
concluded that occupational exposure to the covid-19 virus was a “new hazard”
that presented “a grave danger” to workers. “OSHA has determined that
occupational exposure to SARS–CoV–2, including the Delta variant (B.1.617.2 and
AY lineages), presents a grave danger to unvaccinated workers in the U.S. . . .
,” the agency wrote. “This finding of grave danger is based on the science of
how the virus spreads, the transmissibility of the disease in workplaces, and
the serious adverse health effects, including death, that can be suffered by the
unvaccinated.”
The Supreme Court acknowledged that
OSHA “is tasked with ensuring occupational safety— that is, ‘safe and healthful
working conditions.’” But the six conservative justices in the majority
concluded that the act “empowers the Secretary to set workplace safety
standards, not broad public health measures.”
OSHA answered that point in its
published rationale for the rule: “The fact that COVID–19 is not a uniquely
work-related hazard does not change the determination that it is a grave danger
to which employees are exposed, nor does it excuse employers from their duty to
protect employees from the occupational transmission of SARS–CoV–2.”
The agency
elaborated on the particular risks posed in workplaces: “SARS–CoV–2 is readily
transmissible in workplaces because they are areas where multiple people come
into contact with one another, often for extended periods of time. When
employees report to their workplace, they may regularly come into contact with
co-workers, the public, delivery people, patients, and any other people who
enter the workplace. Workplace factors that exacerbate the risk of transmission
of SARS–CoV–2 include working in indoor settings, working in poorly-ventilated
areas, and spending hours in close proximity with others.”
Once the
Court resumed oral arguments in the courtroom midway through OT2021, the
justices imposed a series of restrictions on, among others, the Supreme Court
press corps. Reporters seeking to attend oral arguments in person were required
to submit a negative covid test, administered within a few days of the court
sessions, and had to be masked upon entering the building and masked in the
courtroom. Reporters also had to be seated in the courtroom socially distanced
from each other, instead of elbow-to-elbow in the press gallery.
The
justices themselves were masked on the bench, but with one exception: the
ultra-libertarian justice, Neil Gorsuch, who conspicuously refused to wear a
mask without providing any explanation for declining to adopt the sensible
precaution for his colleagues’ well-being. Apart from Gorsuch’s refusal on the
mask issue, none of the justices has publicly questioned any of the
restrictions that the Court has instituted for their safety and the Court
employees. Why then, one might ask, should the rest of the nation’s workplaces
be similarly protected?
Writing for
the three liberal justices in dissent, Breyer tore the majority’s rationales to
shreds by emphasizing the particularized risk in workplaces. The disease,
Breyer explained, “spreads by person-to-person contact in confined indoor
spaces, so causes harm in nearly all workplace environments. And in those
environments, more than any others, individuals have little control, and
therefore little capacity to mitigate risk. COVID–19, in short, is a menace in
work settings. The proof is all around us: Since the disease’s onset, most
Americans have seen their workplaces transformed.” He might have mentioned the
changes at the Court itself as well.
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